We Have It All ~ Video

Discussion in 'OFF TOPIC SUBJECTS' started by CULCULCAN, Aug 25, 2022.

  1. CULCULCAN

    CULCULCAN The Final Synthesis - isbn 978-0-9939480-0-8 Staff Member

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    Sources and Notes
    Volodomyr Kubijovych, "Appeal to Ukrainian Citizens and Youth," Krakivski visti, on May 16, 1943. Cited by Tadeusz Piotrowski, Poland's Holocaust: Ethnic Strife, Collaboration with Occupying Forces and Genocide in the Second Republic, 1918-1947, 1998, p.226, and footnote 359 on p.372.
    https://books.google.ca/books?id=hC0-dk7vpM8C

    [ii] Robert Fife, "Freeland warns Canadians to beware of Russian disinformation," Globe and Mail, March 6, 2017.
    http://www.theglobeandmail.com/news...re-of-russian-disinformation/article34227707/

    [iii] But "the truth," said journalist, playwright and novelist, Oscar Wilde, "is rarely pure and never simple.” To illustrate this simple meta-truth, one need only examine Wilde's virulent antiSemitism.
    The Anti-Semitism of Oscar Wilde
    http://semiticcontroversies.blogspot.fi/2014/08/the-anti-semitism-of-oscar-wilde.html

    [iv] Judgement : Streicher
    http://avalon.law.yale.edu/imt/judstrei.asp

    [v] Paul Himka, "Ethnicity and the Reporting of Mass Murder: Krakivs'ki visti, the NKVD Murders of 1941, and the Vinnytsia Exhumation," Shatterzone of Empires: Coexistence and Violence in the German, Habsburg, Russian, and Ottoman Borderlands, (Omer Bartov and Eric D. Weitz, editors), 2013.
    [vi] Robert Fife, "Freeland knew her grandfather was editor of Nazi newspaper," Globe and Mail, March 7, 2017.
    http://www.theglobeandmail.com/news...was-editor-of-nazi-newspaper/article34236881/



    The Chomiak-Freeland Connection (ncf.ca)
    https://coat.ncf.ca/research/Chomiak-Freeland/C-F_18.htm
     
  2. CULCULCAN

    CULCULCAN The Final Synthesis - isbn 978-0-9939480-0-8 Staff Member

    Messages:
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    Part 19
    Is there a Bear in the Room? Kill it!

    Because of Chrystia Freeland's deeply-engrained cultural programming within the ultranationalist Ukrainian Canadian community, it is extremely difficult if not impossible for her to be objective when it comes to certain important foreign policy issues.


    The elephant in the room here is actually a Russia bear. Is Freeland really Russophobic, just a little Russophobic, or not at all? How one answers this may depend not only on one's image of the Russian bear, but one's definition of Russophobia. Is a Russophobe someone whose cultural upbringing prejudices them against Russians and their leaders? If so, w
    as it Russophobic for Chrystia Freeland to say, for example: "Russians have no one to blame but themselves for the brutal dictatorship they built in their own country and imposed on their neighbours."

    But for anyone who believes that Russophobia is simply a fear of Russian words, Russian culture or living in Moscow, then Freeland ‑ apparently ‑ is not Russophobic. In 2014, when she was banned from travelling anywhere within the world's largest country, she seemed almost overjoyed. This is how she tweeted her followers about that news: "Love Russ lang/culture, loved my yrs in Moscow; but it's an honour to be on Putin's sanction list."[ii]
    As we've seen, Freeland has been raising the Kremlin's ire since 1989 when at 21 her militant involvement in the Ukrainian separatist movement led the government to declare her an "enemy of the Soviet state." Over the decades since then, Freeland has never stopped her efforts to fixate world attention on the Moscow bear as a global symbol of corruption, authoritarianism, warmongering and kleptocracy.
    Freeland's journalism career, like that of her Ukrainian grandfather, never shied away from taking sides in superheated propaganda battles. Her critiques of the Soviet/Russia bear, her overly-confident and incendiary way with words, and her inspired passion for Ukrainian nationalism ‑ which she has credited to her maternal grandfather ‑ were all valuable assets in building her up as a darling of global business press. These same assets also assisted her meteoric rise to Trudeau's Liberal Cabinet. As such, Freeland's service as a mouthpiece for the mighty Russophobic Wurlitzer spans the connected worlds of western governments and their compliant corporate media.
    Had he lived to see it, Freeland's maternal grandfather ‑ as a professional propagandist ‑ would surely have been impressed by her entire career. Michael Chomiak would have encouraged her early involvement with a string of ultranationalist Ukrainian media outlets. He would have cheered her activism in Rukh, which having helped split up the USSR, succeeded where the Nazis had failed. Her grandfather would also have been delighted by her being branded an "enemy of the Soviet State," envied her reportage from the newly-independent Ukraine and applauded her rise through the ranks of the global business-news empire. Her fixation on the Kremlin's "fiendishly" "Faustian deal" with a "Frankenstein's monster" of a mostly Jewish oligarchs would surely have made him feel vindicated for his own journalistic fetishes. And, wouldn't he have hailed her broadening of that focus to encompass the "nation of mammon" as a global plutarchetype. His grand daughter's war of words against Putin, her leading role in the imposition of trade sanctions against Russia and the badge of honour she earned upon being declared persona non grata in that enemy country, would all have inspired his dearest admiration. And, the unquestioning confidence with which Freeland has revered the violent 2014 Maidan uprising, its role in empowering a regime riddled with neoNazis and its outright banning of communism in 2015, would all have filled him with great pride.
    Freeland's Ukrainian grandfather would surely have been as proud of her, as she is of him.
    While she never publicly mentioned his wartime promotion of Nazi propaganda, she did credit her grandparents' political views as a major inspiration in her lifelong commitment to the ultrapatriotic Ukrainian cause.
    "(Their experience) had a very big effect on me," Freeland told the Toronto Star, "They were also committed to the idea, like most in the (Ukrainian) diaspora, that Ukraine would one day be independent and that the community had a responsibility to the country they had been forced to flee ... to keep that flame alive.”[iii] (Emphasis added.)
    "For the rest of my grandparents' lives," she said in My Ukraine, "they saw themselves as political exiles with a responsibility to keep alive the idea of an independent Ukraine"[iv] (Emphasis added.)
    The recurring theme here is the profound sense of an ongoing multigenerational commitment to the Ukrainian cause. This undying "responsibility to keep alive" a "flame" or "idea" of Ukrainian independence, is certainly something that Chrystia Freeland has held utmost throughout her life. Deeply instilled in her from such an early age, Freeland's deep sense of responsibility to carry on the dream of her Ukrainian forebears, her village and her nation, is something that takes precedence over all else in her being.
    In many ways, throughout her personal and professional life, Freeland must have always felt exceedingly fortunate to have had the opportunity to work together with her Ukrainian community ‑ in close collaboration with some of the world's most powerful corporate media enterprises and the governments of Canada, the US and others ‑ to achieve that goal of Ukrainian independence that her forebears had only dreamed of. Although Michael Chomiak never lived to see the independent Ukraine of his dreams, his grand daughter Chrystia Freeland not only saw it happen, she was there in Ukraine playing an active role in making it happen. This would have been a dream come true for her grandfather and his wartime colleagues who had been so dedicated to this overwhelming cause that they were willing to work with the Nazis, spread false news and commit massive crimes, just to make their dream a reality.
    Even after the huge success of creating an independent Ukraine, there were other great goals that Freeland's grandfather ‑ in collaboration with the Nazi's extensive media empire and the government of Germany ‑ could only have dreamed of. Like their Nazi overlords, Ukrainian nationalists also dreamed of the day when the Soviet bear would be vanquished. This goal was quickly realised on the heels of Ukrainian independence.
    But by the time this second grand dream was eventually achieved, most of the Nazis and their collaborators had already died. Those who did live to see this dream come true must have rejoiced that their successors had kept their flame of anticommunism alive and worked feverishly to make their fervent dream a reality. While the Nazis killed 25 to 30 million Soviet citizens in their effort to destroy communism, that monumental effort had been turned back by the Soviet bear. Forty five years later, however another generation succeeded where the Nazis had failed. And, as that propaganda creature of the CIA -- the mighty Wurlitzer -- still confidently brags on its website, "news and information" spread by the Radio Free Europe/Radio Liberty (RFE/RL) "to audiences behind the Iron Curtain" "played a significant role in the collapse of communism...."[v]
     
  3. CULCULCAN

    CULCULCAN The Final Synthesis - isbn 978-0-9939480-0-8 Staff Member

    Messages:
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    picture.
    Soviet-Bear.
    Fore-Bears.
    RFE-RL-logo.
    kill-bear.
    RFE-RL.
     
  4. CULCULCAN

    CULCULCAN The Final Synthesis - isbn 978-0-9939480-0-8 Staff Member

    Messages:
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    Sources and Notes

    Chrystia Freeland, Financial Times, May 29, 1996. Cited by Patrick Armstrong, "Category: Propaganda, Lies and Nonsense," November 25, 2016. (Armstrong is a retired "analyst in the Canadian Department of National Defence specialising in the USSR/Russia. ... [who was] a Counsellor in the Canadian Embassy 1993-1996."
    https://patrickarmstrong.ca/category/propaganda-lies-and-nonsense/


    [ii] Chrystia Freeland tweet, March 24, 2014.
    https://twitter.com/cafreeland/status/448121548105592832

    [iii] Linda Diebel, "How Chrystia Freeland became Justin Trudeau’s first star," Toronto Star, November 29, 2015.
    https://www.thestar.com/news/insigh...eeland-became-justin-trudeaus-first-star.html

    [iv] Chrystia Freeland, "My Ukraine: A personal reflection on a nation's dream of independence and the nightmare Vladimir Putin has visited upon it," May 12, 2015.
    http://csweb.brookings.edu/content/research/essays/2015/myukraine.html
    Chrystia Freeland, My
    Ukraine: A Personal Reflection on a Nation's Independence and the nation's dream of independence and the nightmare Vladimir Putin has visited upon it, 2015.
    https://books.google.fi/books?id=sJMkCQAAQBAJ

    [v] History, REF/RL website
    http://pressroom.rferl.org/p/6092.html


    The Chomiak-Freeland Connection (ncf.ca)
    https://coat.ncf.ca/research/Chomiak-Freeland/C-F_19.htm
     
  5. CULCULCAN

    CULCULCAN The Final Synthesis - isbn 978-0-9939480-0-8 Staff Member

    Messages:
    55,226
    Part 20
    The Collective Care and Feeding of Russophobia

    Throughout her career as an activist for the nationalist Ukrainian cause, Freeland has had the backing of powerful communities which know that she has done them proud. Freeland has held her ground as a brazen mouthpiece for right-wing antiRussian, Ukrainian Canadian community, she has stood up against Russia for the Trudeau Liberals and, she has held high-ranking positions within some of the world's largest media businesses which have constantly poked at the Russian bear.
    That is why, in Freeland's current struggle to deflect attention from her grandfather's shameful Nazi past, members of these three communities are standing shoulder to shoulder with her: Canada's Ukrainian diaspora, ably led by Bandera supporters from the Ukrainian Canadian Congress (UCC); the Liberal government of Canada which, having facilitated the creation of the UCC in 1940, fully supports her confrontational approach to Russia; and those members of the corporate media who are struggling to point the finger at Russia because they believe it is to blame for the Freeland-Chomiak scandal.
    To all three of these trusted arbiters of the truth, the scandal is not that her grandfather was a cog in Nazi's mighty Wurlitzer, but that anyone would have the temerity to expose that truth.
    These communities that have nurtured Freeland's rise to celebrity stature must be acknowledged and credited for having put her where she is today. They have encouraged and emboldened Freeland's work, and given her the platforms from which to speak their shared version of the truth about Russia. Nazi heritage or not, she seems to have their utter confidence.
    In comparison to the power wielded by these three communities, the importance of Freeland's grandfather's influence may seem insignificant. In this sense, the focus on her grandfather's Nazi past is a distraction. Ironically though, it is this distraction which may lead people to see beyond the key individual players in these theatrics, namely Freeland and Chomiak. There is a bigger story that needs uncovering. This back story involves huge social institutions ‑ nationalistic, political, economic, journalistic, religious ‑ and the common enemy which they have long ago chosen for themselves.
    Freeland's worldview that the Russian government is our common enemy, is shared by some very powerful elements within the social institutions that have backed Freeland's rise to prominence. Freeland's ascent through their ranks has been facilitated by her usefulness as a spokesperson for the West's official narrative that Russia as an eternal enemy. She therefore has a mutually beneficial relationship with these institutions.
    Chrystia Freeland has become quite famous for the cartoon-like imagery with which she portrays Putin and Russia. Her insistent harangues branding them as global villains, is widely considered Russophobic, especially to Russians. She has, for instance, labelled Putin as a "Sultan" and a "dictator" attempting to "institutionalize Russian authoritarianism" in a "resumption of absolute power," through a "sultanistic ... neo-patrimonial regime." "Putin's Kremlin," she has said, pursued "the Pinochet model — authoritarian political rule combined with market reforms," that has "now degenerated into an authoritarian and increasingly autarchic kleptocracy — and one bent on war."[ii] In her assessment of the "threat he poses and how to contain him," Freeland declared that "Putin is the ruler of an authoritarian regime" and that "to secure his hold on power" "it really is the case that l'état, c'est moi." In Freeland's eyes, "Putin poses a novel challenge to the world order because his ... goal, since he first entered the Kremlin in 2000, has been to work out how to be an authoritarian ruler."[iii]
    Freeland's rhetorical vehemence exudes such an overwhelming confidence that it may inspire people ‑ especially those who don't access other points of view ‑ to accept her perspective of the truth without having to seek any independent sources of verification.
    Her fearmongering diatribes about Russia also echo with such frequently that her readers may become mesmerised. The sheer repetitiveness of her ad hominem attacks are dizzying. In one article alone, Freeland hurled the epithet "authoritarian" at Russian leadership no less than 18 times. And, just for good measure, she also threw in three "authoritarianism-lites" and another reference to "authoritarianism," bringing her use of the A-word to a record 22 times in this one short exposition. She concluded this particular invective with a commanding order that seems to fall somewhere between a bellicose threat and a rallying cry for war against Russia's leading politician, if not against the country as a whole: "Whether it is in Ukraine, or elsewhere, one day we will have to stop him."[iv]
    If by "we" Freeland meant NATO, and if by "will have to stop him," she meant by war, then Canada ‑ and the world at large ‑ may be in very serious trouble. "If Canadian foreign policy toward the Russian Federation is to be based on Freeland's mendacious distortions and misapprehensions of Russia and Putin," said historian Michael Jabara Carley, "then Canada-Russian relations are headed to new lows." Carley, a professor at the University of Montreal, continued by saying:
    "Is this the kind of hyphenated Canadian we want, with a non-Canadian agenda, running Canada's foreign policy? 'One day we'll have to stop him,' writes Freeland about Putin. What does that mean? It sounds like a threat... and puffery and dangerous nonsense. Is that the kind of inflammatory rhetoric we want, as Canadians, from our minister of foreign affairs? As a Canadian, who voted Liberal in the last election, I dare to hope not."[v]
     
  6. CULCULCAN

    CULCULCAN The Final Synthesis - isbn 978-0-9939480-0-8 Staff Member

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    blameputin.
    KVupdate.
    xenophobia.
    russophobusiness.
     
  7. CULCULCAN

    CULCULCAN The Final Synthesis - isbn 978-0-9939480-0-8 Staff Member

    Messages:
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    Sources and Notes
    Chrystia Freeland, "Russia's 'Sultan' Putin," Reuters, September 30, 2011.
    http://in.reuters.com/article/idINIndia-59629620110930

    [ii] Chrystia Freeland, "Putin's Brittle Iron Curtain," Politico Magazine, November 13, 2014.
    http://www.politico.com/magazine/story/2014/11/putins-brittle-iron-curtain-112875

    [iii] Chrystia Freeland, "What does Putin want?" Prospect Magazine, January 2015.
    http://www.prospectmagazine.co.uk/features/what-does-putin-want


    [iv] Chrystia Freeland, "What does Putin want?" Prospect Magazine, January 2015.
    http://www.prospectmagazine.co.uk/features/what-does-putin-want


    [v] Michael Jabara Carley, "Chrystia Freeland: Kiev’s Minister of Foreign Affairs in Ottawa," Strategic Culture, January 23, 2017.
    http://www.strategic-culture.org/ne...and-kiev-minister-foreign-affairs-ottawa.html


    The Chomiak-Freeland Connection (ncf.ca)
    https://coat.ncf.ca/research/Chomiak-Freeland/C-F_20.htm
     
  8. CULCULCAN

    CULCULCAN The Final Synthesis - isbn 978-0-9939480-0-8 Staff Member

    Messages:
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    Part 21
    The Need for Truth and Reconciliation

    The Government of Canada and various civil society organisations are currently involved in a very long-overdue, social-healing process known as Truth and Reconciliation. Trying to face the reality that many of this country's most prominent citizens and organisations collaborated in the genocide of Indigenous peoples is a breakthrough for a country long in denial.
    In keeping with the principles of Truth and Reconciliation, Freeland and others in her ultranationalist village should stop turning a blind eye to the fact that thousands of Ukrainians who sympathised, supported and/or collaborated with the Nazis came here to Canada soon after WWII. The Liberal government, which worked with the Ukrainian Canadian Congress to facilitate the mass influx of tens of thousands of Ukrainians displaced by the war, also needs to engage in some deep self-reflection to confront and finally disavow its own institutionalised heritage of antiSemitism, virulent anticommunism and Russophobia.
    While Freeland has only one Nazi collaborator in her family history, there are thousands of such skeletons still skulking in the Government of Canada's large walk-in closet. Leading members of the Liberal family in particular need to disclose their Party's shadowy heritage of complicity with fascists, and to apologise to the public for covering up this well-documented history for so long.
    Whether they can see it or not, the Ukrainian Canadian Congress ‑ and those of its member organisations which are so deeply rooted in fascist history ‑ also have a moral obligation to apply the principals of Truth and Reconciliation to their forebears' unacknowledged roles in the genocide of Jews, Poles and Soviets.
    For her part, Freeland should come clean by explaining why ‑ for more than 20 years ‑ she covered up her grandfather's complicity in spreading Nazi propaganda through the top Ukrainian-language, fake-news periodicals of WWII.
    But, don't hold your breathe. Unfortunately, Freeland, her Ukrainian village allies and the Liberal government's media spin-doctors are far more likely to devise carefully-doctored public statements that will continue to hide all of the worst excesses of her grandfather's complicity as a propaganda meister in the Nazi's mighty Wurlitzer. And, what's worse, the broader issues of Liberal collaboration in related scandals will continue to be completely ignored.
    Instead of providing an apology for decades of whitewashing her grandfather's Nazi history, Freeland and her friends in civil society, the government and mass media, will find clever ways to twist the historical facts to suit their shared political agenda. No doubt her dido, Michael Chomiak, will be falsely presented as an innocent civilian whose poor family was victimised by two equally evil empires: the Soviets and the Nazis. No doubt this fake news will make the headlines as they try desperately to push the ugly spectre of truth back into the shadows where they think it belongs.
    Those concerned about truth and reconciliation regarding Canadian involvement in various genocides, should not allow this propaganda to pass. While some attention is now being directed into one prominent family closet, thanks to revelations about Freeland's grandfather, now is the time to try to explore the shadows within whole rooms that are Liberally packed with Nazi skeletons that have long been avoiding the light of public exposure.
    But let's not be naive. Whatever grossly amnesiac statements are concocted to try to spin their way out of the Chomiak story of Nazi collaboration, Freeland and company will no doubt display the sheer chutzpah and confidence to turn this scandal into yet another opportunity to project Canada's belligerent, blame-the-Russians approach to foreign policy.
    In the long run however, as the public's awareness of history grows and the mighty Wurlitzer of corporate propaganda is exposed for its mendacious chutzpah in spreading fake news, such over-the-top examples of politically institutionalised confidence schemes will backfire against those who attempt them.
    The struggle continues...
     
  9. CULCULCAN

    CULCULCAN The Final Synthesis - isbn 978-0-9939480-0-8 Staff Member

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    skeletons1.
    skeletons.
     
  10. CULCULCAN

    CULCULCAN The Final Synthesis - isbn 978-0-9939480-0-8 Staff Member

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