We Have It All ~ Video

Sources and Notes
Letter signed by Michael Chomiak to Krakow's Real Estate Trustees, September 19, 1940. Provincial Archives (Edmonton, AB), Michael Chomiak fond, 85.191, box 2 file 28.
Letter signed by Michael Chomiak to the German Department at Krakow City Hall, undated. Provincial Archives (Edmonton, AB), Michael Chomiak fond, 85.191, box 2 file 28.
Thanks to Pawel Markiewicz for providing these letters.
http://coat.ncf.ca/research/Chomiak-aryanisation.pdf
Thanks to Christian Manser for translating these letters.
http://coat.ncf.ca/research/Chomiak-Freeland/chomiak2-letters.docx

In his translation, Christian Manser pointed out the ambiguities around the word "hinterlassen" and whether it means "bequeath" or "leave behind." I asked Pawel Markiewicz for his interpretation and he replied (March 6, 2017):
"I think, just as you said, we have to infer that Chomiak did not know Finkelstein and that the latter simply was forced out of his apartment probably in the usual fashion, that is with one of two pieces of luggage. In other words, there was no way for such people to take their furniture with them. As a result, Germans, or in this case, Chomiak, simply inherited what was left behind as "his own." That's how I would explain it."
Below are some links to photographs of the "aryanised" building at 15 Starowislna Street in Krakow, where the Chomiaks had their first apartment. (During the war, the Nazi regime changed the street name to Komendanturstrasse.) This building was part of the Pugetow Palace complex.
http://www.palac.pl/galeria/starowislna/
http://www.palac.pl/starowislna-15/
http://www.palac.pl/wp-content/uploads/2014/09/P1080522.jpg

[ii] Wurlitzer was a US company formed by a German immigrant in the 1850s. Although it began by selling wind instruments to the US military, Wurlitzer later became famous for building elaborate mechanised music machines that cranked out tunes. Its machines including orchestrions, nickelodeons and juke boxes. Frank Wisner, when referring to the CIA's formidable worldwide propaganda machine, often jokingly called it "The Mighty Wulitzer."​

Hugh Wilford, The Mighty Wurlitzer: How the CIA Played America, 2008.
https://books.google.fi/books?id=zKQs3Y9lLgkC
[iii] "Radio Liberation from Bolshevism" (now called "Radio Liberty" or "Radio Liberation"), was the original name for this CIA media Wurlitzer.
"The name was changed in 1963. American organizers of the committee, former RFE/RL president Sig Mickelson notes, 'seem to have been unaware that "Bolshevism" had been Hitler's favorite term of disparagement for the Soviet Union.' The Soviet government lost no time in pointing out the rhetorical similarity between Radio Liberation's broadcasts and those of the Nazis as well as the fact that a number of easily identified Nazi collaborators were working for the station. According to Mickelson, Radio Free Europe and Radio Liberation were eventually forced to ban the use of the term Bolshevism in their news broadcasts because of its unmistakable association with Nazi propaganda in the minds of European listeners."
Christopher Simpson, Blowback: America's Recruitment of Nazis and Its Destructive Impact on Our Domestic and Foreign Policy, 2014.
https://books.google.fi/books?id=R3qdAwAAQBAJ
[iv] At the close of WWII, Wisner headed the Office of Strategic Services (OSS) operations in southeastern Europe. The OSS was the US intelligence agency from which the CIA was formed. Wisner's work, for the OSS and CIA, involved recruiting Nazis and their collaborators from eastern Europe. He established and led Operation Mockingbird which gave the CIA tremendous influence over many major mass media outlets. By 1951, Wisner was the CIA's chief of covert action, and as such, was responsible for the Agency's clandestine operations around the world.
Christopher Simpson, Blowback: America's Recruitment of Nazis and Its Destructive Impact on Our Domestic and Foreign Policy, 2014.
https://books.google.fi/books?id=R3qdAwAAQBAJ
Evan Thomas, The Very Best Men: The Daring Early Years of the CIA, 2012.
https://books.google.fi/books?id=dsVlBBqaakYC

[v] Gennadii Kotorovych, "Svit klonyt' holovu pered trahediieiu Ukrainy," Krakivs'ki visti, July 10, 1941. Cited by John-Paul Himka, "Ethnicity and the Reporting of Mass Murder: Krakivs'ki visti, the NKVD Murders of 1941, and the Vinnytsia Exhumation," Shatterzone of Empires: Coexistence and Violence in the German, Habsburg, Russian, and Ottoman Borderlands, (Omer Bartov and Eric D. Weitz, editors), 2013.

from
The Chomiak-Freeland Connection (ncf.ca)
https://coat.ncf.ca/research/Chomiak-Freeland/C-F_8.htm

​

 

Part 9
The Ukrainian Canadian Congress and its Fascist Roots​

Since the war, the dominant voices of obfuscation and denial regarding the well-documented history of Nazi-Ukrainian collaboration have been closely affiliated with, and often led by, an organisation called the Ukrainian Canadian Congress. Its creation in 1940 was actually facilitated by the Liberal government. Their explicit goal in orchestrating the creation of this umbrella organisation was to rally all anticommunist Ukrainians into one body in order to squash the then-powerful influence of leftwing Ukrainians whose forebears had come to Canada during earlier waves of migration. We should not forget that communism was illegal at that time and was officially targeted for repression in Canada throughout most of the 20th century.​

After WWII, despite opposition from the Canadian Jewish Congress and progressive Ukrainian socialists and communists, the Ukrainian Canadian Congress (UCC) supported the Liberal government in welcoming thousands of Ukrainian veterans who had volunteered to support the Nazi cause. The UCC and its "strictly anti-Communistic" views were "very much strengthened by the new mass immigration (1945-1951), when more than 35,000 Ukrainian Displaced Persons arrived from Europe."[ii] These militantly patriotic Ukrainians ‑ like Michael Chomiak and his family ‑ swelled the ranks of existing Canadian émigré groups. They also formed veterans' associations, were assisted by the Canadian government in founding and sustaining ultrarightwing media platforms, and took leadership positions in social, religious and political organisations that still comprise the backbone of the UCC.​

Over the decades, the UCC benefited from the dedicated activism of Ukrainian patriots like Michael Chomiak and his granddaughter Chrystia Freeland. Chomiak was involved in a variety of ultranationalist groups linked to the UCC. In the biographical notes compiled by the Alberta Archives, Chomiak is described as having "served on the boards of many Ukrainian organizations." His personal files, now housed in those archives, include materials on the UCC, as well as numerous of its member groups.[iii]
However, not listed in the archive's biography of Chomiak was any reference to his role as a highly-respected figure among various Ukrainian WWII veterans' associations in Edmonton including the Waffen SS Galicia.[iv] Until just last summer, this association of Nazi SS soldiers was openly listed on the UCC website as one of its national member organisations.[v] The Ukrainian SS is still given a prominent place of honour at some UCC events. For example, at UCC Edmonton's annual commemoration of the Holodomor in 2016, a Ukrainian WWII veteran stood behind the speaker's podium holding the infamous Waffen SS flag.[vi]
The UCC has even lobbied the government "to make changes to Canada's War Veterans Allowance Act by expanding eligibility to include designated resistance groups such as OUN-UPA."[vii] The UPA or Ukrainian Insurgent Army, is another member group of the UCC. It too was a fascist, and extremely racist, antiSemitic military formation. Its leader, Stepan Bandera is still revered by those who ally themselves with his faction of the Organisation of Ukrainian Nationalists, i.e., the OUN(B). (See its logo, at right.) Like the Waffen SS Galicia, it too collaborated with the Nazis and was involved in the mass murder of Jews, Poles and Soviets.[viii] In the trial of Nazi war criminals at Nuremberg, testimony was submitted from Abwehr Colonel Erwin Stolze that both leaders of the OUN -- Andriy Melnyk and Stepan Bandera -- were "German Agents." (The Trial of German Major War Criminals, February 11, 1946, p.252.)
In 1940, the OUN split into two factions, the OUN(B), led by Bandera, and the OUN-M, led by Melnyk (See the latter's logo, at right.). Both organisations were fascist, antiSemitic and extremely anticommunist. Both factions established their own organisations in Canada that worked under the banner of the government-supported UCC. During the war, the German authorities had also worked with both OUN factions, although they preferred the Melnykite's of Kubijovych's Ukrainian Central Committee. The Nazi's perceived that the OUN(M) was more manageable and willing to follow their directives than the OUN(B).
During the first two years following the Nazi invasion of Ukraine (June 1941-June 1943), the Nazis massacred about 500,000 Jews in Eastern Galicia and 200,000 in Volhynia. Although this represented 90% of the Jewish population in these areas when the Germans arrived, almost a million Ukrainian Jews were lucky to escape to the USSR with the retreating Soviet Army when the Nazi invasion began. Taking part in the mass murders which occurred during the early weeks of the Nazi invasion, were special militia units created by the OUN(B). These units collaborated with Wehrmacht in carrying out pogroms against Jews between June 22 and the end of July 1941.
When the Nazis occupied Lviv on June 30, 1941, the OUN(B), declared Ukraine's independence and posted these notices all around the city (see image at left). The notice stated in part:
“Do not throw away your weapons now. Take them in your hands. Destroy the enemy.…

"People! Know! Moscow, Poland, the Hungarians, the Jews are your enemies. Destroy them!
"Know! Your leadership is the Leadership of Ukrainian Nationalists, is the OUN. Your Leader is Stepan Bandera. Your goal is an Independent United Ukrainian State. Your path is the path of the Ukrainian National Revolution, the path of armed struggle, the path of the OUN.

"Glory to Ukraine! Glory to the Heroes! Glory to the Leader!”[ix]
Pogroms to kill Jews began the next day and a vivid description of them has survived.[x]
As an outspoken promoter of ultranationalist Ukrainian politics, Freeland has not only carefully avoided any public reference to her grandfather's wartime propaganda work for the Nazis, she has also steered publicly clear of the whole issue of Nazi-Ukrainian collaboration in general.
Freeland's effective, high-profile activism on behalf of her Ukrainian community has not gone unnoticed by the UCC. In fact, the UCC has often used its publications, events and internet presence to draw prideful attention to the key milestones in Freeland's career. She is now the highest-profile representative of the UCC and the extremely nationalist Ukrainian political brand that it represents. As such, Freeland has gladly offered her services to be a figurehead in Toronto's huge Ukrainian parade,[xi] and has been the keynote speaker and moderator at some of the UCC's largest recent events.[xii]

UCC president Paul Grod is someone who Freeland fondly describes as a "friend."[xiii] He is among those UCC leaders affiliated with organisations that count Stepan Bandera among their greatest national heroes. Freeland too considers Bandera someone worth commemorating. She has described him as a "western Ukrainian partisan leader ... who led a guerrilla war against the Nazis and the Soviets and was poisoned on orders from Moscow in 1959...." She also noted that in "eastern Ukraine," where many ethnic Russians live, "the Soviet portrayal of Bandera as a traitor still lingers."[xiv]
The CIA, which was happy to employ Ukrainian fascists like the Banderites to continue their armed struggle against the USSR for several years after WWII ended, described Bandera as a "leader ... and symbol of the most violent, twentieth century, western Ukrainian political movement: the Organization of Ukrainian Nationalists [OUN], which in late 1942 and early 1943 formed the Ukrainian Insurgent Army [UPA]."[xv] Another formerly-secret CIA document summed up Bandera's OUN(B) faction, by saying it:
"is based on principles ... such as dictatorial rule, veneration of the leader, blind fulfillment of instructions, and intolerance of contrary opinion. Totalitarian tendencies are evident in that organization's efforts to control every aspect of émigré life, in its unbridled use of slander and calumny, and in frequent use of threats and outright terror."[xvi]
Canadian Banderites and their organisations have dominated the UCC's leadership for some 20 years. The OUN(B) in Canada is organised primarily through the League of Ukrainian Canadians (LUC), whose publication Homin Ukrainy (Ukrainian Echo) is published in Toronto.[xvii]

Between 1960 and 2013 the hub of the ultranationalist Ukrainian community in Toronto was the Ukrainian Cultural Centre (83-85 Christie St.). It housed the offices of the Ukrainian Echo and the Ukrainian Youth Association of Canada. Here is a photo from a performance at their Cultural Centre in Toronto. Note that a large portrait of Stepan Bandera is used as a stage backdrop:






The LUC's major national affiliates include the League of Ukrainian Canadian Women, the Society of Veterans of the UPA and the the Ukrainian Youth Association. [xviii] The latter is basically Canada's Bandera youth association, a scouting organisation (similar in military structure and appearance to the one set up by British imperialist Lt.Gen. and Baron, Sir Robert Baden-Powell).
A leading figure of the Bandera youth association is UCC president Paul Grod. In 2013, when Grod was a key speaker at the Ukrainian Youth Association's 30th triennial meeting in Etobicoke Ontario, he posed front and centre with about 100 uniformed representatives of the Bandera youth who gathered from across Canada.

In the group photo (above) Grod and company were flanked by portraits of Queen Elisabeth and Stepan Bandera.[xix] Other photos from this collection show smiling youth holding meetings under a portrait of OUN(B) chairman Yaroslav Stetsko, who was Bandera's right hand man.[xx] After Bandera's death, Stetsko led the OUN(B) between 1968 and 1986. Stetsko also led a CIA-supported, fascist organisation called Anti-Bolshevik Bloc of Nations between 1946 and 1986.[xxi]

In 2012, the OUN(B)'s youth organisation commemorated an anniversary of chairman Stetsko. Photographs of this event show uniform-wearing Ukrainian-Canadian children marching in formation reverently carrying Stetsko's portrait. Other children in the formation are shown carrying Canadian and Ukrainian flags, and the red and black battle flag of Bandera's army, the UPA.[xxii]
Yaroslav Stetsko's 1941 autobiography summed up some of OUN(B)'s extremist beliefs about their prime enemies, the Jews and communists. Their fascist ideology closely coincides with the Nazi ideologies promulgated in Krakivs'ki visti. Here is an excerpt from Stetsko's autobiography which illustrates his endorsement of Nazi methods for "exterminating Jewry in Ukraine":
"I consider Marxism to be a product of the Jewish mind, which, however, has been applied in the Muscovite prison of peoples by the Muscovite-Asiatic people with the assistance of Jews. Moscow and Jewry are Ukraine's greatest enemies and bearers of corruptive Bolshevik international ideas. I ... fully appreciate the undeniably harmful and hostile role of the Jews, who are helping Moscow to enslave Ukraine. I therefore support the destruction of the Jews and the expedience of bringing German methods of exterminating Jewry to Ukraine, barring their assimilation and the like."[xxiii] (Emphasis added.)
The OUN(B)'s Bandera youth movement has branches across Canada but they also exist in Australia, Argentina, Germany, the UK, the US and Ukraine. These national branches have regular international meetings. For example in 2009 their World Executive Committee met in Munich, Germany. They were preparing for the 8th World Meeting of youth affiliates of the OUN(B) which was held in Vancouver in 2010 to coincide with the Winter Olympics.
The Munich meeting was timed to coincide with the 100th birthday of Stepan Bandera on October 17, 2009. On that day Bandera youth joined with other Ukrainians who had made the pilgrimage to march to Bandera's tomb at Waldfriedhof. At this solemn event wreaths and flowers were laid in the presence of Ukrainian religious leaders. Toronto's Baturyn Marching Band was also there. (See photos at left and above.) For fifty years, this Ukrainian Youth Association band has been performing at Ukrainian festivals and events across Canada, and in the US and Europe .
On the evening of the march to Bandera's tomb, they held a large event to commemorate Bandera's 100th birthday celebrated by youth groups from various countries which performed patriot Ukrainian songs to honour their nation, their leader and their cause. Among them were the Baturyn band and the Bandera movement choir from Canada, the Prolisok Youth Ensemble (See photo at right, with the large portrait of Bandera as the stage backdrop. Click any of these three photographs to see the Google's translation of the website of Germany Bandera youth movement which hosted the international meeting in 2009.
Most of those involved in the OUN(B)'s Bandera youth association are likely unaware that their revered leaders were ardent supporters of, and deeply complicit in, the mass murder of Jews, Poles and communists. Many young Banderites would likely be shocked to hear such facts and might therefore reasonably respond by categorically denying the information as "fake news."
They might even allege that anyone making such "allegations" had been duped by the Russians.
(Continue reading this article)
(The wartime photo at left shows Ukrainian children with swastika flags and a Hitler poster welcoming a parade of Nazi soldiers.)

 

Sources and Notes
Although it claims to represent all Ukrainian Canadians, the UCC has only ever been the umbrella organisation for those ultranationalist, anti-communist members of the diaspora. There is a major split between the government-supported UCC and those Ukrainian Canadian organisations that support progressive social-democratic, socialist and/or communist views.
Richard Sanders, "Left-Right Camps: A Century of Ukrainian Canadian Internment" and "Glorifying Ukrainian-Canadian Veterans of OUN/UPA Terrorism," Press for Conversion!, Captive Canada, Spring 2016, pp.44-49, 52-53.
http://coat.ncf.ca/P4C/68/68_40-55.pdf

[ii] This quote comes from a fascist postwar monthly newsletter that was published in Britain and distributed internationally. It was the official voice of the Supreme Ukrainian Liberation Council (UHVR); the faction of the Organization of the Ukrainian Nationalists (OUN) led by fascist Stepan Bandera; its armed wing, the Ukrainian Insurgent Army (UPA); and the Ukrainian "underground" movement which waged a violent, armed insurgency war against the Soviet Union into the 1950s.
Ukrainian Information Service, July-August 1951.
http://diasporiana.org.ua/wp-content/uploads/books/13888/file.pdf
The following declassified "Secret" CIA document outlines the post-WWII history of the Agency's close working relationship with the above mentioned Nazi-linked organisations: UHVR, OUN, UPA and "the underground."
Kevin C Ruffner, "Cold War Allies: The Origins of CIA's Relationship with Ukrainian Nationalists," Fifty Years of the CIA, 1998.

[iii] After his death in 1983, many of Chomiak's files were donated to the Government of Alberta Archives. Files in the Chomiak fonds include those pertaining to the Ukrainian Canadian Committee (renamed Ukrainian Canadian Congress in 1989), as well as many groups linked to this anti-communist umbrella organisation, such as the Canadian Ukrainian Youth Association, Plast, the Shevchenko Scientific Society, Ivan Franko School of Ukrainian Studies and the Council for Ukrainian Community Organizations for the Patriarchate of the Ukrainian Catholic Church.
Ukrainian Archival Records at the Provincial Archives of Alberta: An Annotated Guide, p.15.
http://culture.alberta.ca/paa/docs/UkrainianGuide-English.pdf

[iv] A 1978 book published by the Ukrainian War Veterans Association (Edmonton Branch) notes that on November 22, 1964, Michael Chomiak was the keynote speaker at a banquet for the Ukrainian Organisation of Nationalists (OUN), the Ukrainian War Veterans, the League for the Liberation of Ukraine (a Banderite group), the Bratsvo UNA (i.e., the veterans of the Waffen-SS Galicia), Plast and SUM, the Bandera youth organization of the OUN(B). This 1978 event commemorated the 50th anniversary of the Canadian association of Ukrainian Sich Riflemen, which had been a unit in the Austrian Army during WWI.​

Orest Windyk (editor), Ukrainska Stritriletska Hromada Edmonton, 1928-1978, 1978, p.147.
http://diasporiana.org.ua/wp-content/uploads/books/4664/file.pdf
Thanks to Per Anders Rudling for drawing this publication to my attention and for translating the details above from Ukrainian.

[v] Between 2010 and 2016, the UCC's online web listing of national member groups included two Ukrainian-Canadian veterans groups: (1) the “Society of Veterans of Ukrainian Insurgent Army–UPA" (led by Stepan Bandera) and (2) the “Brotherhood of Veterans 1st Division UNA [Ukrainian National Army] National HQ." This latter name is a euphemism adopted in the very last few days of WWII. Its troops never fought using this name but changed it only when it became obvious the war was over. This Ukrainian division actually fought as the Nazi's 14th Division Waffen SS Galicia. As can be seen from the Internet Archive, these two veterans groups were removed from the UCC's online membership list sometime between May 8, 2016 and Oct 7, 2016. This occurred not long after my research (in Captive Canada) drew attention to the fact that their names were on the UCC's member list:
https://web.archive.org/web/20160701000000*/http://www.ucc.ca/members/national-members​

[vi] To many, the Waffen SS Galicia symbol on this flag is as recognisable as a Nazi swastika. During WWII, these two symbols were often displayed together. The blue flag emblazoned with the infamous symbol of 14th Waffen SS Galician Division can be seen here on the Facebook page of NDP MP for Edmonton-Strathcona, Linda Duncan, November 26, 2016.
https://www.facebook.com/lindaduncanNDP/posts/10157855821815241
There are hundreds of examples online showing use of this Waffen SS Galicia symbol at Nazi rallies, parades, and in wartime posters and notices. A few examples of these images can be seen here.
http://coat.ncf.ca/research/Chomiak-Freeland/WaffenSSGalicia-symbol/
[vii] "Ukraine's President Recognizes Ukraine’s Freedom Fighters," UCC media release, February 3, 2010.
http://www.lucorg.com/news.php/news/4122

[viii] Per Anders Rudling, "The OUN, the UPA, and the Holocaust: A Study in the Manufacturing of Historical Myths," The Carl Beck Papers, November 2011.
http://carlbeckpapers.pitt.edu/ojs/index.php/cbp/article/view/164/160​

[ix] Nationalist placard posted in Lviv on 30 June 1941 incites pogroms
https://training.ehri-project.eu/a04-nationalist-placard-posted-lviv-30-june-1941-incites-pogroms​

[x] Stanisław Różycki described attacks on Jews in Lviv in June and July 1941​

https://training.ehri-project.eu/a02-stanis%C5%82aw-r%C3%B3%C5%BCycki-describes-attacks-jews-lviv-june-and-july-1941​

[xi] "2013: Ukrainian Canadians: speaking out on the issues," Ukrainian Weekly, January 19, 2014.
http://www.ukrweekly.com/uwwp/ukrainian-canadians-speaking-out-on-the-issues/​

[xii] Freeland was the keynote speaker at the UCC's 25th triennial conference in September 2016.

"First Day of Historic XXV Triennial Congress of Ukrainian Canadians Concludes," September 30, 2016.
http://www.ucc.ca/2016/09/30/first-...al-congress-of-ukrainian-canadians-concludes/ ​

The UCC website contains about 100 separate webpages with congraulatory references to Chrystia Freeland and her achievements.
https://www.google.fi/search?q=site:ucc.ca+"chrystia+freeland"
[xiii] Chrystia Freeland tweet, March 24, 2014.
https://twitter.com/cafreeland/status/448121548105592832
When Chrystia was banned from travelling to Russia in 2014 so too was Paul Grod. In saying she was proud of this she referred to Grod as her "friend."
[xiv] Chrystia Freeland, "Ukraine rifles its history for heroes, Financial Times, June 13, 2008.
https://www.ft.com/content/50364f76-3955-11dd-90d7-0000779fd2ac

[xv] Grzegorz Rossolinski, Stepan Bandera: The Life and Afterlife of a Ukrainian Nationalist: Fascism, Genocide and Cult, 2014.
https://books.google.fi/books?id=SFH_BgAAQBAJ​

[xvi] This declassified "SECRET" letter was written to A.N. Abajian, US Department of State, from CIA Deputy Director, Plans. Subject: "Yaroslav STETSKO aka Wasyl Darkiw," July 1, 1957, p.3.
https://www.cia.gov/library/readingroom/docs/STETSKO, YAROSLAV_0092.pdf
[xvii] In a declassified "SECRET" document detailing Project QRDYNAMIC (a CIA "covert action" project targeting the USSR using Ukrainian nationalists), the CIA listed this newspaper, Toronto's Ukrainian Echo, as a publication of the OUN(B).
Major Ukrainian Political Organizations, August 3, 1971.
[xviii] About LUC, At the Forefront of Ukrainian Issues
http://www.lucorg.com/about-luc_173.htm

[xix] Here is a photo of Paul Grod (sitting front and centre) at this Bandera youth organization meeting in Etobicoke Ontario, March 5, 2013. This group memorialises Stepan Bandera and the OUN(B) which he led. https://get.google.com/albumarchive.../AF1QipMtrpB4yAYtb0YZ2mNaYNimXWhqOfP6mNXTMXqz ​

A whole album of photographs from that youth conference can be seen here:
https://get.google.com/albumarchive.../AF1QipMgbYNRCTCSD1Qq_x3X6VkB-Nio6lwTeS4f46QT
[xx] This photograph and the ones immediately before and after it (in the gallery link below), show a portrait of Stetsko on the wall overlooking the youth in their meetings.
https://get.google.com/albumarchive.../AF1QipNFVkacsCGsGiPchY-W3mWTHXicPw4AReboU9Lp
[xxi] After his death, the ABN was led by his wife Slava Stetsko (1986-2000). She also led the OUN(B) between 1991 and 2003.
[xxii] The photos also show children carrying flags of the Ukraine and the battle flag of the OUN(B)

"100th anniversary of OUN-B chairperson Yaroslav Stetsko" (translation)
https://get.google.com/albumarchive.../AF1QipPbOdb1IdQxRxwj-P10j3EmBAsCts1PmZ_EyAfI​

[xxiii] Yaroslav Stetsko, "My Biography," July 1941. (Translated by Karel Berkhoff and Marco Carynnyk)
https://training.ehri-project.eu/si...ect.eu/files/EHRI_UKRAINE_A_7_translation.pdf
See the original document here
https://training.ehri-project.eu/sites/training.ehri-project.eu/files/A7 Stetsko.pdf
Stetsko also denounced Jews in this document

Zynovii Karbovych [Iaroslav Stets’ko], “Zhydivstvo i my,” ("We and Jewry"), Novyi shliakh, 8 May 1939, p.3.
https://training.ehri-project.eu/sites/training.ehri-project.eu/files/Karbovych%20We%20and%20Jewry%20%5Btranslation%5D.pdf ​

See the original document here:
https://training.ehri-project.eu/si...s/Ukraine A-1 Stetsko Zhydivstvo i my DPI.pdf

from:
The Chomiak-Freeland Connection (ncf.ca)
https://coat.ncf.ca/research/Chomiak-Freeland/C-F_9.htm

 

Part 10
Getting them Early:
Building the ultraNationalist Cause among Children and Youth
As children, Chrystia Freeland and her friend Paul Grod (president of the Ukrainian Canadian Congress), like so many thousands of other ultranationalist Ukrainians in Canada, were brought up through the tight ranks of either the League of Ukrainian Canadians' Banderite youth organisation or a similar scouting group called the Plast Ukrainian Youth Association.
In 1977, at the age of nine, Freeland joined the Edmonton branch of the Plast scouting organisation. In 2013, when asked whether Plast had been influential during her childhood, Freeland responded:
"Absolutely. Plast was a very important part of my life growing up and it is a very important part of my daughters’ lives. I grew up in a Ukrainian community and was active in Plast. Now my two daughters are active plastunky in New York (my son is only 3 years old). My elder daughter went to Lviv this summer for the 100th anniversary of Plast."[ii]
Freeland joined Edmonton's Plast group in 1977 because that was the year that her mother, Halyna Chomiak Freeland, another intensely passionate Ukrainian nationalist, separated from her nonUkrainian husband and left Peace River, Alberta. Once in Edmonton, Chrystia was much closer to her mothers' father, Michael Chomiak, his five other children and their extended family. She also came under the influence of the very large Ukrainian community there, which comprises about 14% of that city's population.[iii]
Moving to Edmonton was a major turning point in Chrystia's life, not only due to her parent's separation but also because she became much more deeply immersed in the Ukrainian community's ubiquitous enculturation programs. For example, besides joining Plast, Chrystia started classes in two Ukrainian educational programs: (1) Alberta's government-funded, bilingual Ukrainian-English public school system, and (2) the Ukrainian community's "Saturday schools."
In 1979, when Chrystia was eleven, she was interviewed by her maternal uncle Bohdan Chomiak, Michael Chomiak's son, for a radical Ukrainian nationalist newspaper called Student. In that publication distributed to Ukrainian university students across Canada, Bohdan asked Chrystia to compare the two core Ukrainian training programs in which she was enrolled. She replied that
"historically, geographically and gramatically (sic) speaking ... you learned more in the Saturday school.... One of the biggest differences though is that the Saturday schools are much more patriotic and religious, so that history will have a lot of facts about how brave and gallant the Ukrainian kings were. And it will usually be stressed. Sometimes they'll talk about the negative points, but their perspective will be that of the Ukrainian nation."[iv] (Emphasis added.)
Chrystia Freeland could not help but be deeply inspired, motivated and indoctrinated by such patriotic Ukrainian belief systems that she adopted through her all-pervasive, ultranationalist cultural programming. The powerful influences from her large Ukrainian family, the government's Ukrainian-language public school, the Ukrainian "Saturday School," the Ukrainian Catholic church in which her grandfather was very active, the Ukrainian scouting activities though Plast, other Ukrainian organisations, festivals and cultural events, as well as her Ukrainian friends, combined to have the desired effect.
All of this cultural conditioning from her social upbringing has fostered Chrystia Freeland's personal commitment to, and utter confidence in, the Ukrainian cause. Through her hard work and unrelenting dedication, aided by her intelligence and extremely confident command of language, Freeland has used her undeniable chutzpah to become the most powerful and outspoken voice for Canada's ultranationalist Ukrainian community.

Freeland is also promoting this Ukrainian tradition within her own family. The largest community event in which she has participated with her children is Toronto's Ukrainian Festival. This huge annual event is the biggest outpouring of Ukrainian nationalism in North America, and likely anywhere outside Ukraine. It was established by the Toronto branch of the Ukrainian Canadian Congress.
In 2013, when Freeland was the Liberal Party's "star candidate" running for election to parliament, she was honoured to be named the "Festival Parade Marshal" for Toronto's Ukrainian Festival. Sitting aback a vintage Cadillac convertible with her children, Freeland appeared near the beginning of the parade, right after the official banner (carried by children), a group of Ukrainian veterans and a military-style marching band. (Click the image of Freeland and children, above, to see a video of this parade. Freeland her family appear at 1:30. The Ukrainian Youth Association marching band and about 60 uniformed members of this Bandera youth group can be see at 21:30 in the video. This youth association is an official affiliate of the League of Ukrainian Canadians, which represents the Bandera faction of the Organisation of Ukrainian Nationalists in Canada.)
As an all-ages, family event, Toronto's annual festival fulfills all that we might expect from such a celebration: Ukrainian music, dancing, food, official participation by prominent Canadian politicians from all levels of government representing the country's three largest political parties. It has also included fundraising activities for an ultraright-wing paramilitary organisation known for organising extremely violent political protests in the Ukraine.

For example in 2014, the Ukrainian Festival included fundraising efforts by Right Sector Canada. Their goal was to purchase military equipment for their fighters in Ukraine. As can seen from these videos, the Right Sector still venerates Stepan Bandera, the fascist political and military leader of the Bandera faction of the Organisation of Ukrainian Nationalists, OUN (B).

Click either of the screen-shot images at right to watch CBC TV coverage from the Ukrainian Festival on August 23, 2014.

More recently, in 2016, Chrystia Freeland marched with some children in the parade of this family-oriented Ukrainian Festival. Thirty seconds or so behind her (at 16:30 in the video) was a contingent representing Right Sector Canada. Two Ukrainian youth carried the Right Sector banner displaying the portrait of their hero, Stepan Bandera. The Red and Black flag of the Organisation of Ukrainian Nationalists was also displayed.
The 2016 Ukrainian parade had the official participation of organisations such as the Ukrainian Canadian Congress and the Ukrainian National Federation (founded by members of the OUN in Edmonton in 1932). Both groups include member organisations representing fascist Ukrainian war veterans.

The 2016 parade also included hundreds of children and youth, as well as many mainstream role models such as politicians from the Liberals, Conservatives and NDP. Also present were Ukraine's Ambassador to Canada, Ukrainian military veterans and uniformed members of the Ukrainian Youth Association (SUM) marching in-step behind their band (Baturyn). This youth movement and Ukrainian Womens' Association are both affiliates of the League of Ukrainian Canadians which is the official Banderite organisation in Canada, linked to the OUN (B). Also taking part in the parade were Miss Teenage Canada 2016, Miss Ukraine Toronto, groups of children from various Ukrainian religious schools, as well as the children and youth from the Plast Toronto scouting troop.
As Toronto's Ukrainian festival and so many other similar cultural events across Canada ably demonstrate, the ultranationalist Ukrainian diaspora is alive and well in this country. This strong cultural community will no doubt continue to thrive under the protective support of the Canadian government's multiculturalism program and the mainstream media which also provides banal and largely uncritical coverage.
One of the chief methods used to foster the continuance and growth of Ukrainian ultranationalist culture is the early inculcation of children and youth into the community's traditions and beliefs. This includes thinly-veiled institutionalised reverence for such fascist, antiSemitic Ukrainian war heroes as Stepan Bandera and the various organisations which carry the flame of Ukrainian ultranationalism.

 

Sources and Notes

UCC Congratulates Prize Winner Chrystia Freeland, March 27, 2013.
http://www.ucc.ca/2013/03/27/ucc-congratulates-prize-winner-chrystia-freeland/​

The Plast scouting association, though not a Banderist organisation like the LUC's Ukrainian Youth Association, is equally devoted to inculcating children's patriotic loyalty to the ultranationalist Ukrainian cause. For example, at the top of the Plast Canada website is a prominent "Call for Support of Plast Scouts in the Ukrainian Armed Forces and Volunteer Units."​

Plast Canada
http://www.plast.ca/​

[ii] "A conversation with Chrystia Freeland," Ukrainian Weekly, May 19, 2013, pp.9,17.
http://ukrweekly.com/archive/2013/The_Ukrainian_Weekly_2013-20.pdf
[iii] According to the 2006 census, Edmonton has the largest concentration of Ukrainian Canadians in Alberta, with 145,000 (14% of the city's total population). This was almost 45% of the province's population of Ukrainian heritage.
Population by selected ethnic origins, by census metropolitan areas (2006 Census) (Edmonton)
http://www.statcan.gc.ca/tables-tableaux/sum-som/l01/cst01/demo27v-eng.htm
[iv] Bohdan Chomiak, "Life inside the Ukrainian Schools," Student, December 1979, p.6.https://archive.org/stream/student1979decem1258unse#page/5/mode/2up/search/freeland
(This edition also carried an article about Myron Kuropas' first lecture in Canada. In that talk, Kuropas criticized Canada's "ineffectual and impotent" Ukrainian community for not having the gumption to challenge a TV docu-drama called Holocaust. That docu-drama was said to contain "many scenes which were potentially compromising" to Ukrainians, and "which portray[ed] facts out of context." His lesson was said to have been that "Ukrainian organizations must concern themselves continuously with machinery by which their special interests are represented, their public relations carried out, and their community image created."

The Chomiak-Freeland Connection (ncf.ca)
https://coat.ncf.ca/research/Chomiak-Freeland/C-F_10.htm

 

Part 11
The Freeland-Chomiak Parallels in Advocacy Journalism
Another major cultural factor in grooming Freeland's particular worldview has been her involvement with numerous fervently nationalistic Ukrainian media outlets. This added yet another level of exposure to her already overwhelming submersion in Ukrainian politics. Her Ukrainian-focused journalism was something that she shared with her dido, Michael Chomiak. When Freeland and her dido launched their youthful work as reporters for large daily newspapers, they were both thrown headlong into heavily politicised Ukrainian news events of great importance to the nationalist cause. They both acquired journalistic acclaim by serving Ukrainian nationalism, and they were then both promoted to become media gatekeepers whose work involved the editing of large newspaper enterprises.
In Chomiak's case, he began writing for a nationalist Ukrainian newspaper called Dilo (the Deed) in Lviv Ukraine when he was in his early 20s. After five years, he was elevated to the daily paper's editorial staff (1934-1939). During that time he was also studying to become a lawyer (1930-1931) at Lviv University. After graduation, while he received a salary from Dilo, he worked ‑ without pay ‑ for a series of Lviv law firms in his efforts to fulfill the remaining requirements necessary for him to become a lawyer. [ii]
Chomiak's work as a journalist for Dilo involved covering a very famous trial of the OUN. Before WWII, this Ukrainian nationalist organisation had assassinated several Polish politicians as a tactic for gaining Ukrainian independence from Poland. Besides being employed by Dilo, Chomiak also worked for Ukrainian law firms. At least one of these firms was involved in an OUN legal case. It was in fact Chomiak work as a young cub reporter covering an OUN terrorist trial that made him famous among Ukrainians.[iii]
As a candidate who was then seeking to become a lawyer, Chomiak was dependent on law firms for this process. Chomiak was in a definite conflict of interest because his law firm was involved in defending the OUN. Could Chomiak be expected to present objective, unbiased news as Dilo's "court reporter" covering an assassination trial, if he was simultaneous working for the law firm whose business it was to defend these terrorists? Even without such a glaring conflict of interest, Chomiak's worldview as an advocate of Ukrainian nationalism would also have coloured his coverage of the trials.
The fact that the OUN embraced terrorism and fascism is indisputable. Even the CIA, which supported the OUN after WWII, stated in a now-declassified, secret 1998 document that the "OUN .... participated in terrorist activities against Polish officials before the war, and Ukrainian nationalists allied themselves with their Nazi 'liberators' ... in 1941."[iv]
Some key elements of Freeland's journalist career closely parallel those of her grandfather. She too became famous in her early 20s in Lviv Ukraine. At that time, she was writing newspaper articles to promote the nationalist cause. The official narrative is that she began her career as an "accidental journalist."[v] Her version of events is that she started her rise through the media during her foray as a freelance stringer in Lviv in the early 1990s.
But, in reality, by the time she was writing for these newspapers in Lviv, she had already been involved for several years with some of the most subjective ultranationalist Ukrainian propaganda outlets in Canada, the US and Europe. These still-extant enterprises in Ukrainian nationalism, include The Encyclopedia of the Ukraine, The Ukrainian News, The Ukrainian Weekly, The Student, and Radio Free Europe/Radio Liberty. Freeland's experiences, as a writer for these ultranationalist Ukrainian endeavours, provided major stepping stones that aided her entry into the mighty Wurlitzer of the global business news machine.
During her formative journalism years, when she was in her late teens and early twenties, the central theme promoted by all of these Ukrainian enterprises in which she was involved, was the supreme nationalist cause of gaining independence from the Soviet Union.
This, of course, had also been a major political goal of the US and its NATO allies ever since the end of WWII. Shortly after the war, the CIA correctly identified the "nationalities issue" as the prime weakness of the multicultural Soviet Union. Accordingly, the CIA began targeting Ukrainian nationalist dissidents as the most likely force for achieving the US goal of tearing apart that enemy country. As their major strategy for destroying the USSR, the CIA created several top secret, covert action programs to conduct, what is known in intelligence jargon as, "psychological warfare." Their target was the USSR and Ukraine was the leverage point.
We now know that these CIA operations included those called QRDYNAMIC, AERODYNAMIC, QRPLUMB and AECASSOWARY. The CIA's official website currently holds just over 2000 files with formerly "SECRET" and "TOP SECRET" files detailing these and other clandestine operations. These documents were released thanks to the "Nazi War Crimes Disclosure Act." The CIA library states that
"This information sheds important historical light on the Holocaust and other war crimes, as well as the U.S. Government’s involvement with war criminals during the Cold War. It further enhances public confidence in government transparency"[vi] (Emphasis added.)
The files show that the CIA frequently placed their confidence in Nazi sympathizers and supporters from the Ukraine for carrying out their covert operations against the Soviet Union. And, because Canada was such an important place of refuge for fascist-leaning Ukrainian, almost 800 of the CIA's operational files contain some reference to Canada.[vii]
Upon coming to Canada in 1948, Michael Chomiak continued the hardcore nationalistic struggle for Ukrainian independence which he and his collaborationist community had conducted with Nazi support throughout the war. Becoming active in Edmonton's émigré community, Chomiak became prominent within the Ukrainian Catholic church, the Ukrainian war veterans’ movement and a variety of other nationalist groups.
Michael Chomiak also retained his keen enthusiasm for the print media and even temporarily moved to France (1978-1979) to assist his wartime boss, Volodymyr Kubijovych, in his all-consuming post-war project, The Encyclopedia of Ukraine. Chomiak also kept his love for newspapers alive by working as a journalist and then the editor (1981-1982) for a major Edmonton-based, weekly newspaper called Ukrains'ki visti (Ukrainian News). Both of these enterprises stood solidly with the ultranationalist Ukrainian community in the continuation of its decades-old anticommunist war against the USSR.
These were the first two known Ukrainian media projects that aided Chrystia Freeland in her early path towards media stardom.

Sources and Notes
Ukrainian Archival Records at the Provincial Archives of Alberta: An Annotated Guide, 2011, p.14.
http://provincialarchives.alberta.ca/docs/UkrainianGuide-English.pdf
[ii] Military Government of Germany Questionnaire, October 2, 1946
(An official form completed by Michael Chomiak in German.)
http://coat.ncf.ca/research/Chomiak-Freeland/Chomiak_Form.pdf
Thanks to Christian Manser for translating Chomiak's German responses in this form.
http://coat.ncf.ca/research/Chomiak-Freeland/chomiak_1-form.docx
[iii] John Paul Himka, personal communication with Richard Sanders, January 25, 2017.

[iv] This is a declassified "SECRET" CIA document now housed in the Agency's website:
Kevin C Ruffner, "Cold War Allies: The Origins of CIA's Relationship with Ukrainian Nationalists," Fifty Years of the CIA, 1998, p.27
https://www.cia.gov/library/reading...INTELLIGENCE NAZI - RELATED ARTICLES_0015.pdf​

[v] Rebecca Wetherbee, "The Accidental Journalist: Financial Times U.S. Managing Editor Chrystia Freeland tells how to survive the economic crunch – and looks at the future of the newspaper industry," Little Pink Book, May 20, 2013.
http://www.littlepinkbook.com/chrystia-freeland-u-s-managing-editor-financial-times/​

[vi] Here is a google search of the CIA's website for these operation's names. This search yields 2,040 online files which are now public. Many of these were declassified and released by Central Intelligence Agency in 2007.
https://www.google.fi/search?q=site:www.cia.gov+QRdynamic+ OR+aerodynamic+OR+qrplumb+OR+AECASSOWARY

The CIA webpage describing the "Nazi War Crimes Disclosure Act" also notes that the declassified/released records "include operational files of the Office of Strategic Services (OSS) [the CIA's precursor] totaling 1.2 million pages, and 114,200 pages of CIA material."
https://www.cia.gov/library/readingroom/collection/nazi-war-crimes-disclosure-act
[vii] Almost 700 of the 2,040 files on covert actions targeting Ukraine, contain the word "Canada"
https://www.google.fi/search?q=site...+aerodynamic+OR+qrplumb+OR+AECASSOWARY+canada


The Chomiak-Freeland Connection (ncf.ca)
https://coat.ncf.ca/research/Chomiak-Freeland/C-F_11.htm